Have cake and eat it strategy abandoned due to lack of bread

“The social enterprise sector spends a lot of time justifying itself by using the estimate of that there are 68,000 social enterprises. But it doesn’t question, firstly, whether the figure is accurate and, secondly, if it is, what the figure actually shows us.”

At first glance this may appear to be a quote from another needlessly pedantic blogger or academic, questioning the honourable attempts of the government and the social enterprise lobby to spread the good news about the inexorable growth of social enterprise in the UK. At second glance, it is in fact a quote from Lucy Findlay, Managing Director of the Social Enterprise Mark Company.

The estimate that there are 68,000 social enterprises in the UK comes from the Annual Small Business Survey (ASBS), conducted by the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS).

This is the criteria by which BIS decide whether an organisation is a social enterprise:

  • no more than 75% of turnover is generated from grants and donations
  • no more than 50% of any surplus is paid to shareholders (or never generate a profit
  • the business owner thinks of the business as a social enterprise, and
  • the business owner thinks the business is a very good fit to the definition “A business with primarily social/environmental objectives, whose surpluses are principally reinvested for that purpose in the business or community rather than mainly being paid to shareholders and owners”?

A previous ASBS found that there were 62,000 social enterprises in the UK and this figure was used prominently what was then the Social Enterprise Coalition now Social Enterprise UK (SEUK) and the New Labour government for several years.

When Lucy Findlay says that ‘the social enterprise sector’ doesn’t question the accuracy and meaning of this figure she’s either short of information or using a narrow definition of the social enterprise sector that excludes me, some of the UK’s leading social enterprise academics, and leading social enterprise support charity, Unltd.

The problem isn’t with the ASBS – which provides credible statistics based on clearly explained criteria – but with the fact those statistics have been prominently promoted by social enterprise support organisations that define social enterprise by very different criteria.

So, the criteria for Social Enterprise Mark holders are:

A. Have social and/or environmental objectives

B. Be an independent business

C. Earn 50% or more of its income from trading

D. A principle proportion (50%+) of any profit made by the business is dedicated to social/environmental pruposes

E. On dissolution of the business, all residual assets are distributed for social/environmental purposes

F. Can demonstrate that social/environmental objects are being achieved

So far, 462 organisations have been awarded the Social Enterprise Mark.

Regular readers may be aware that I’m not really a big fan of the Mark but despite my own opposition to the venture, I very much admire Lucy Findlay for her dedication and committment to a project that she believes to be socially useful. I also partly sympathise with her predicament on this point.

While Social Enterprise UK’s current team are not responsible – and those who werre responsible were clearly acting with the best of intentions – it is deeply regretable in terms of the credibility of the sector that the organisation that was then the Social Enterprise Coalition, as a co-owner of the Social Enterprise Mark company, found itself in the position of simultaneously promoting two significantly different definitions of social enterprise – one of which was purportedly the method for social enterprises to ‘prove they are genuine against a set of qualification criteria’.

It’s equally regretable for the Social Enterprise Mark Company, who have found themselves theoretically trying to sell their product to a clearly-defined target market of over 60,000 organisations when in reality the vast majority of those potential customers would be turned away if they attempted to buy the product. Of course, the chances of the Mark project receiving £964,000 worth of grant-funding from the combined pockets of Big Lottery and the government may not have been enhanced by a realistic assesment of the scale of social enterprise, as defined by Mark supporters, at that time.

At this point, we can be quite clear that there are at least 462 social enterprises in the UK and that there may be hundreds of thousands more than that, depending on your chosen framework for definition. In the 2009 – 2011 period, I found it difficult to understand how so many otherwise sensible people in the social enterprise lobby could justify the apparent ‘have your cake and it eat it position’ that there was need for significant government spending on supporting social enterprises but less than 462 social enterprises – less than one per parliamentary constituency – worthy of support. Even being charitable, this position apparently involved believing that over 60,000 organisations were waiting to apply for the Social Enterprise Mark and would do so once they got around to it.

No there is no money for social enterprise support – and the current government has no desire to promote ‘the social enterprise’ as a model – so the ASBS figure, though its meaning is entirely unchanged, is now virtually irrelevant. On the plus side, it means that what’s left of the social enterprise lobby is free to get on with promoting the social enterprise as a diverse social movement in all its glorious, hopeful messiness.

 

 

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On responsibility

Senior bankers, private equity moguls and hedge fund managers appear cut off from the rest of us. They often pay little or no tax, increasingly live in heavily guarded enclaves, and some have little or no real allegiance to Britain. The sources of their wealth are often mysterious, and appear unrelated to merit. These feral rich pose, in their way, every bit as much of a danger to society as the rioters who stole and pillaged London streets last August.

So writes journalist Peter Oborne, not in a small circulation left-wing magazine but in a passionate outburst in today’s Daily Telegraph. This is not a sign that Mr Oborne or his newspaper have moved away from their conservative position on the political spectrum support but one of a number examples of the fact that some of those now most worried about the state of our economic system are those who are theoretically its strongest supporters.

Thursday saw Prime Minister, David Cameron, address the issue championing: “a vision of social responsibility, which recognises that people are not just atomised individuals, and that companies have obligations too” before adding: “I believe that out of this current adversity we can build a better economy, one that is truly fair and worthwhile” and claiming that the government would reduce barriers to setting up co-operatives.

A good time, then, for the social enterprise movement to have its say and Social Enterprise UK (SEUK) chief executive, Peter Holbrook, stepped up to the keyboard with a blog post calling for the government to actively support the development of social enterprises: “We need to shift quickly, through tax breaks and through education and reward new radical forms of fair, responsible and wealth redistributing capitalism, we must re- invigorate  the connection and moral responsibility our business leaders have  and insist on a better understanding of, and commitment to our society

and concluding with a stark challenge to political leaders: “If the government and opposition are really serious about reforming market based capitalism then tipping the playing field in our collective favour is the only long term solution to our social and economic woes  and offers the only hope to tackling the ever greater divisions and an ever growing gulf and detachment between rich and poor.

On Guardian Social Enterprise Network, The Social Investment Business‘s Jonathan Jenkins claims: “This is an important moment for social investment. I’m not naïve enough for one minute to believe this is Big Society II: The Coalition Strikes Back, but the very fact that the politicians are vying for profile on this topic means that they know this is becoming of increasing interest and concern to the Great British Public

before adding: “I have written before in The Guardian that I have a dream that everyone can become a social investor, whether their budget is £5 or a £5m bonus. This dream was anchored in my belief in the efficiency of markets, and the increasing demand from socially driven retail investors, will make it happen. It doesn’t seem such an absurd dream to chase, after all.”

There seems to be little to disagree with in any of these contributions but while Oborne asks pertinent questions about what we want from our economic system, none of the others really provide an answer. I’m a big fan and customer of co-operatives but I reckon it would be stretching it a bit to suggest that our current economic predicament is primarily down to the fact that we didn’t have enough them in the years leading up to 2008.

I entirely support tipping the playing field in favour of social enterprise but if the government formally decreed that 100% of the nation’s economic activity has to take place at Underhill, the sloping home of Barnet FC, it’s still highly unlikely to bring about a situation where social enterprises are the biggest players in the UK economy.

And social investment, so far at least, has primarily been a vehicle for promoting and supporting socially enterprising approaches to public service delivery, as opposed to increasing the size of the social portion of the mainstream economy.

This is not a counsel of despair but a recognition that if we’re going to move towards a more socially responsible economy in the UK then the key players are not social enterprises but the government and mainstream businesses. Ordinary customers, workers and citizens have limited power to influence the behaviour of the larger mainstream businesses – those who have little money and no job have virtually none – but are at the mercy of their actions.

Unfortunately, based on current evidence, it’s difficult to disagree with Peter Oborne’s conclusion:”it is right that men and women who have made a fortune through ingenuity and hard work – such as writer JK Rowling and inventor Sir James Dyson, for example – should be allowed to retain their wealth. The question is how to create a set of rules which achieves that aim while penalising the greedy and rapacious. Neither leader (David Cameron or Ed Miliband) has quite put their finger on the answer.

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